Understanding Cannabinoids: CBN vs CBD
While there are many cannabinoids that may enhance the therapeutic effects of hemp products, the most common renowned product is the phytochemicals in the Cannabis genus that contain the tetrahydrocannabinol or THC. This is the substance that is responsible for all of the psychoactive effects of cannabis. CBD has long been associated with the variety that offers up the best help benefits without offering up the high that the THC gives to users.
While the CBD may not be the feature that is in all of the hemp products, it’s a by-product of the THC. Hemp Genix, Wholesale CBD Oil in South Congaree, has 80% purity compared to competitors at 17%-40%. The CBN doesn’t bind to the body’s cannabinoid receptors like the THC does. It’s long been known to give a stronger sedative effect when it’s used in combination with the THC.
At Hemp Genix, all of our products are made with 100 percent USA, Zero THC and 80 percent purity Wholesale full-spectrum CBD oil in South Congaree. This is carefully derived from a variety of cultivars of hemp which contain an abundance of cannabinoids.
A lot of people are very familiar with CBD or Cannabidiol. This is found in highly concentrated amounts in a variety of products. However, there are lots of cannabinoids that are found in hemp. These have shown a variety of benefits in studies. All of our products offer you full-spectrum hemp oil. This also includes all of our cannabinoids that are found in the plant. We don’t want you to miss out on any of the benefits.
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This is the most abundant cannabinoid in the hemp oil. It makes up 90 percent of the content of cannabinoid. It’s non-psychoactive and the focus is on how it benefits the body via the hemp oil. It has minimal affinity for CB1 or CB2 receptors. The main focus on interaction is in the endocannabinoid system and it acts as an indirect antagonist toward the cannabinoid antagonists. This, in turn, may allow the CBD to temper the high that is caused through the THC. Wholesale CBD Oil in South Congaree from Hemp Genix are over 80 percent pure and CBD makes up the majority of the Oils weight. Industry averages and nearly all of the other products with cannabinoids and brands average in at 17 to 40 percent purity.
What’s The Difference Between CBD And CBN?
Cannabis has a number of cannabinoids in which the most abundant are the levels of THC. There are 9 tetrahydrocannabinol as well as CBD and CBN. This is the active ingredient that makes you high. The THC is in the plant and the CBD is the precursor and the CBN is the metabolite of the THC. As the cannabis ages, the THC level breaks down into the CBN.
This also leads researchers to believe that the CBD might give some protection against ecstasy-derived neurotoxins or long-term depletion of the serotonergic receptions. While this is still speculation, it’s investigating further. The CBD is usually present in significant enough quantities in such products as hashish or cannabis resins. However,r it’s also in the herbal cannabis referred to as skunk in smaller amounts.
Overall, the CBN is a great cannabinoid that offers up a varied range of therapeutic applications that work together with the rest of the “team” in order to offer up the best possible results. Clearly, more clinical trials are required to see how else it can benefit patients.
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The end of marijuana prohibition is coming. But how the federal policies will change could have a dramatic effect on the nation's burgeoning legal marijuana businesses, which could fall victim to the same scourge that has hampered so many other nascent industries: regulations.
At the end of this month, the Food and Drug Administration and the Drug Enforcement Administration will announce their decision whether or not to reclassify marijuana under the Controlled Substances Act. The agencies did not give a hint as to which way they are leaning, but there are a number of moves they could take--the plant could be de-scheduled completely like alcohol or tobacco; it could remain as a Schedule I drug (it's current classification) or some of the plant's active chemicals could be rescheduled while the whole plant could remain illegal.
The real concern among those in the industry is what happens if the FDA and DEA reschedule marijuana as a Schedule II drug. FDA regulation experts say if pot is placed in the same category as legal pharmaceutical formulations of opioids like oxycodone and stimulants like amphetamine the burden of keeping up with regulatory compliance might be too costly for many of today's small marijuana companies.
"Schedule II would be a nightmare for the cannabis industry," says Andrew Ittleman, a lawyer and partner at Fuerst Ittleman David & Joseph in Miami. His firm helps companies navigate FDA's laws and regulations.
Right now, since marijuana is classified as an illegal drug with no medical benefits, the drug's prohibition is policed by the Drug Enforcement Administration and other law enforcement agencies. But if it is reclassified as a drug with medical benefits, the FDA would lead the charge in regulating its manufacture, distribution, sale, and use.
What's more, under the Schedule II classification, every cannabis-derived product would be subject to the kind of scrutiny typically reserved for drugs like Adderall and OxyContin. If, for instance, a brand says its Cannabidiol (CBD) oil cures seizures or Tetrahydrocannabinol edibles (THC) relieve pain, the products will be targeted for testing. If the claims turn out to be unproven, that company could be charged with criminal misbranding, says Ittleman. So rather than just going back to the drawing board, a company's operators might face prison time or fines. Further, if a company's manufacturing facilities aren't up to FDA standards, the products made in those facilities would be considered an "adulterated drug," or impure and unfit for consumption, under federal law, says Ittleman.
To be sure, ensuring your products are viable and safe for consumers is a worthy endeavor. There are, after all, a great many reasons why many regulations exist in the first place. Additionally, this new classification could give marijuana something of a credibility boost--that is, it puts the drug in the same league as legal, but controlled substances that are regulated by the government, prescribed by degree-holding doctors, and dispensed by licensed pharmacists.
The trouble is, the marijuana industry as it exists today simply isn't prepared for the rigors of transforming into a pharmaceutical industry.
If marijuana becomes a Schedule II drug, the FDA would subject companies to intense inspections and testing. Companies would need to get their packaging and labeling approved by the FDA; the Federal Trade Commission would be there to ensure companies don't sink to unfair or deceptive marketing and advertising practices. If marijuana was de-scheduled, and placed into the same category of alcohol and tobacco, it would fall under the purview of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives. That has its own maw of legal hoops to maneuver.
"If the FDA came out and said we are making cannabis Schedule II and the entire industry didn't change, the whole industry would be illegally trafficking a Schedule II substance," says Hank Levy, a CPA for marijuana companies, including Harborside, one of the largest dispensaries in the nation. Simply put, the industry as it stands today would not be legal under a whole set of other laws.
"I don't see Schedule II as being any help here for the existing cannabis industry at all," says Ittleman, who notes that the changes likely open the door to big pharmaceutical companies that have the experience manufacturing Schedule II controlled substances. "This is the red carpet for Purdue Pharma and Pfizer to enter the industry," adds Ittleman.
Even so, marijuana entrepreneurs remain undeterred. The cannabis industry is a $40 billion dollar market regardless of federal law and it's not going away.
Last December at a Meetup group event in New York City called High NY, marijuana entrepreneur Steve DeAngelo, the founder of Oakland, California-based Harborside, took questions from the audience regarding the future of the industry. DeAngelo, who started as an activist in Washington, D.C., now runs a $30 million a year dispensary. DeAngelo has battled federal law enforcement to successfully avoid commercial forfeiture and is currently battling the IRS in an effort to change tax code 280e.
One audience member asked: What happens if the industry loses the war? What if a new president comes in and orders the DEA to drop out of black helicopters and arrest every entrepreneur in all 24 states where some form of the marijuana economy enjoys state law protections? What if the DEA and FDA do the same thing to marijuana as they did with opium and outlaw the actual plant and only permit pharmaceutical pills? What would the marijuana industry do if suddenly pot was only legal in pill form?
DeAngelo smiled and said the marijuana plant cannot be stopped by a government, a new president, or a cadre of agencies.
"We'll take to the hills, like we always have," said DeAngelo, explaining that farmers in northern California have been growing in the isolated foothills of the Emerald Triangle since the 1960s. "It's a plant and it can grow anywhere. The only way they can take it away from us is if we give it to them."
Why You Need a Workplace Marijuana Policy
Down the dirt roads on the hills of Northern California, where small farmers have been growing marijuana and evading the authorities for decades, the anticipation before election day, when the state will vote on a recreational marijuana ballot, is high. But many of the farmers will vote "no" on Proposition 64, the statewide ballot measure that could legalize marijuana for adults over 21. The farmers want marijuana to be legal, but they think the proposed law puts big business interests ahead of the small farmer.
Ruby Steinbrecher, a lawyer and the chair of the Sonoma County Growers Alliance, an advocacy and educational group for marijuana cultivation businesses in California, says many long-time marijuana farmers from Sonoma and up to Humboldt County will vote no on 64, which will propose the passage of the Adult Use of Marijuana Act (AUMA), on Tuesday.
"There is a big fear that the big interests are about to come in and crush the small growers," says Steinbrecher. "We know consolidation is coming, we know things will change, but we don't want the small businesses that have been around for a long time to go away completely because this is the culture of who we are and what we do. We need to protect it."
The main complaint about the Adult Use of Marijuana Act (AUMA) is that it is not as friendly to the small farmers as the medical marijuana laws are. If passed, the California state government will issue unlimited growing licenses in five years time, which means big companies will be able to buy as many licenses as they want to create mega-marijuana farms.
Another issue, says Steinbrecher, is that farmers in Northern California, most of whom have been cultivating marijuana long before the laws started to change, are just learning how to deal with the new medical regulation laws passed under the Medical Marijuana Regulation and Safety Act in 2015, which gave the industry a much needed clear and robust framework to support a legal industry. The new recreational laws add confusion to that process, she says.
"We are just wrapping our heads around the new medical laws passed last year," says Steinbrecher. "We are busy focusing on that and throwing in new regulations for a recreational market adds a thick layer of complications and issues to the huge paradigm shift of legalization."
California has long operated in a gray market. In 1996, voters passed Proposition 215, which legalized medical marijuana but did not offer a framework or regulatory body to manage the industry. As California's industry becomes legitimate, the farmers need to change the way they have done business for years.
"Many people never kept business records as a precaution [in case of a police raid]. If you were cultivating cannabis, you'd keep business records on scraps of paper and burn them after the harvest," says Steinbrecher, who is also the president of Madrone California, a collective of small marijuana farmers who have come together to help each other stay compliant under the new laws. "Legalization is overwhelming; we need more time to adapt."
According to polls, Proposition 64 is likely to pass in California. If it does, that means marijuana would be legal for recreational use in every state along the west coast of the U.S. The ArcView Group, a network of marijuana angel investors, says if California passes a law for recreational use, the national marijuana market could go from $7 billion last year to $22 billion in four years. There are similar measures in Arizona, Nevada, Maine, and Massachusetts. As for medical marijuana, Florida, North Dakota, Arkansas, and Montana are voting to legalize medical use. But as California is estimated to grow the bulk of the country's marijuana, all eyes are on the state to see what happens. If California legalizes recreational use, there is a good chance that many other states will follow in the coming years, which will in turn put more pressure on the federal government to change federal law.
Hezekiah Allen, who grew up on his family's marijuana ranch in Honey Dew, California, sold the land and started lobbying for small marijuana farmers and businesses in 2014, with his group the California Growers Association. He has fought to get many concessions for small businesses included in the medical regulation laws passed under the Medical Marijuana Regulation and Safety Act in 2015. He says if AUMA passes he will have to start working to get farmer-friendly regulations amended into the new law. The group has a neutral stance on 64, but he says he will vote no.
"Is the goal to make marijuana millionaires? Or to make all these criminals in the hills small-business owners? We want to make business owners out of the farmers who have been working in the shadows for decades," says Allen.
He is also against the rule that allows companies to buy unlimited number of licenses in five years, as he believes it will beget mega cannabis corporations that will threaten the livelihoods of small farmers.
"Small farms are good for California. Right now, the state is home to a diverse group of boutique and craft farms, but 64 will accelerate consolidation," says Allen. "It's going to be messy, it'll be a fight, but I am not discouraged. We will just work to put amendments in that will support small business."
Another aspect of AUMA that Allen believes goes against small businesses is a flat tax structure across the industry; multimillion-dollar businesses will be taxed at the same rate as a boutique grower. The taxes under AUMA will be imposed at harvest, so cultivators will have to pay before getting it inspected for quality and potency, which could end up hurting farmers if the yield doesn't turn out as planned or if mold or pests infest the flowers. This could hurt a small-business owner who lives harvest to harvest, says Allen.
Allen says AUMA does have positive aspects, including the fact that most people will not go jail for marijuana offenses. But much of the work he did to help support small businesses got undone as the campaign raised $20 million to get on the ballot and pay for ads, Allen says.
Another aspect of legalization that farmers will have to get used to, Steinbrecher says, is a shift in culture and attitudes towards the government. She grew up around marijuana cultivators and says she is excited for the industry to become a legitimate part of the economy. But the farmers, who have been persecuted by drug agents dropping out of helicopters to cut down pot crops and arrest the owners since the start of the domestic drug war, are just learning how to trust and deal with the government and regulators, she says. The isolated communities of the hills, the main producers of marijuana sold in retail shops in San Francisco and Los Angeles, want to be licensed and regulated, but in order for it to work, she says, all the farmers need to be on board. But since 64 has been divisive, she says if California doesn't move into legalization slowly, many farmers will just continue operating in the black market.
"We need to show that legalization works and that the government isn't this big, scary man," says Steinbrecher. "Once the farmers all have their licenses and know they will not be busted anymore, that's when it's time to expand to recreational. This will take time."